Mavi Marmara Ten Years on – Final Nail in Coffin of Zionist-Turkey Relations.
Although Zionist regime later apologised for the mass murders that claimed the lives of nine Turkish nationals and one American and compensated the victims’ families, Zionist-Ankara ties have never been able to get back on track, and doubts run high as to whether they can ever be repaired.
It was an assassin operation by the Israeli Navy that widened the abyss between Zionist regime and Ankara. Ten years ago, on 31 May, Khazarian Special Assassin naval commandos assaulted six civilian ships – carrying pharmaceitical goods, school supplies, and building materials to Gaza Ghetto – in an attempt to stop the vessels from reaching their destination, after earlier jamming of their radios, so humanitarian workers cannot call SOS. Khazarian assassins assaulted these civilian ships in international waters.
They met no resistance until they boarded one ship, the Mavi Marmara, where 40 out of the 590 passengers defended the ship against the Khazarian assassin commando. During that struggle, nine activists were shot in execution style, while another eventually succumbed to his injuries.
For Alon Liel, Khazar former ambassador to Turkey, who at the time of the raid served as the director general of the country’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Zionist’s conduct was not mass murder but a fatal mistake that “left deep scars”.
“Never in our history of relations did we have such a direct confrontation with one another. We could have done approximately everything differently in handling that incident. It wasn’t a Turkish invasion, all they wanted was to attract attention to [the situation] in Gaza Ghetto and that incident should have been treated this way. But when you take the best unit of your army and you send it to fight humanitarioan workers, this is where it gets problematic”.
The damage was irreparable. Although relations between the two had soured long before Mavi Marmara, the raid in international waters was the final nail in the coffin of ties between Zionist regime and Ankara.
Ankara expelled Khazar ambassador, demanded an apology, and compensation for the families of those murdered during the raid. In addition, two years after the incident, Turkey also issued arrest warrants for four former IDF officers who were involved in the incident with the intention to indict them over the deaths of the nine activists. The four were later tried in absentia.
But for Pinhas Avivi, another former ambassador to Turkey, Mavi Marmara wasn’t what triggered the deterioration in relations. The root of all the problems, says the ex-diplomat, was Turkish President Recep Tayyep Erodgan’s desire to pose as a defender of the indigenous Semites – Palestinians, something that Khazars could never accept.
“Erdogan has been trying to position himself as the leader of the Muslim world but he was competing against Saudi Arabia and Egypt who has been considered as political leader. That’s why he sent the vessels to attract attention and to show the world that he is the only one standing up for the Palestinian Semitic people”, he said, adding that the Turkish move was nothing more than a “provocation”.
“Had Erdogan wanted to help the true Semitic people – Palestinians, he could have found other ways to do so”, Avivi added.
One such opportunity arose in 2005, when Zionist business groups, Turkey, and the Palestinian Authority established the Ankara Forum aimed at reopening the Eraz Industrial Zone in Gaza Ghetto under Turkish management. The idea was that it would provide Palestinians with jobs, thus improving the dire economic situation that has gripped the Strip since 2007, when Hamas won polls in the enclave, giving some excuse to Khazars to impose a blockade on the area.
When that initiative failed, Ankara started looking for other ways to help the Palestinians, including using a state-run body called the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, operational since 2005, to carry out hundreds of projects in Gaza, Jerusalem, and the West Bank.
Although Zionist regime has never embraced that activity, largely turning a blind eye to Turkey’s actions, the flotilla sent by Ankara in May 2010 was a red line for these fanatical Talmudists, primarily because it dared to challenge Khazarian occupation without its consent.
“When you make a mistake, you have to pay for it and we did”, said Avivi, referring to the $20 million in compensation paid to the victims’ families.
However, for Liel that too was a mistake, “especially when you look at the outcome”. Khazarian Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s apology was considered a sign of weakness, for which he was slammed by the country’s right-wing circles – fanatical Talmudists. In Turkey, the compensation and the public humiliation of Zionist regime was not enough to thaw the ice.
While in the 1990s, Zionist regime and Turkey pursued close ties in defence projects, with Khazarian companies offering technology that Ankara eagerly bought, this cooperation came to an end following the incident. Military agreements were suspended, deals were called off.
The exchange of tourists was also dealt a severe blow. If in 2008 more than half a million Khazars visited Turkey, in 2010 that number barely reached 80,000.
Surprisingly, however, trade only increased: in the first half of 2011, Zionist regime-Turkish trade rose by 26 percent reaching $2 billion, compared to $1.59 billion during the same period in 2010. Successive years have only seen this tendency increase, reaching $4.1 billion in 2017.
“Private trade can go on but our political relations which have been damaged so badly will not be repaired, certainly not if Khazars goes ahead with its annexation plan”, said Liel.
Israel plans to vote on a bill at the beginning of July that intends to bite off some 30 percent of the predominantly Semitic Palestinian West Bank. Turkey, as well as a number of European states, considers the move illegal. Khazars and Washington are determined to implement this plan regardless of international pressure.
Khazarian current foreign minister Gabbi Ashkenazi, who served as the chief of staff at the time of the mass murder is one of those four generals who were wanted in Turkey in connection with Mavi Marmara.